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June 16, 2003
WMD RUMINATIONS

I know - I've procrastinated long enough about posting on the missing WMDs.
My original reaction to the "Bush lied" crowd was to dismiss them with reference to (among others) this, this, this, this, this, this, and all the links in this item. But - as tempting as it is to dismiss the "Bush lied" crowd with a sneer - it's hard to improve on the following formulations of Stephen Hayes:

There are serious questions the Bush administration will have to answer:
*How did a forged document about Iraq's pursuit of uranium make it into the State of the Union address?
*Why would President Bush tell the world that "we have found weapons of mass destruction," when quite plainly we have not?
*Before the war, the administration rightly focused on interrogating Iraqi scientists about WMD. What are the scientists in U.S. custody saying today?
*Is it possible that some of Saddam's WMD have already been distributed to terrorist networks?

For some of the not-easily-dismissable allegations that the Bush administration exaggerated the threat from Iraq, click here, here, here or any entry on Eric Alterman's blog.
One of my biggest problems with the emerging "Bush lied" meme is the way it shifts, for convenience's sake, to encompass several different concepts and arguments. Here are my takes on two different concepts that are conflated as necessary by Bush opponents:
1) The fact that we haven't found WMD yet shows that our intelligence about such weapons' very existence was flawed or false.
2) The fact that we haven't found WMD yet shows that even if they existed, the threat to the U.S. was exaggerated by the Bush administration to build the case for war.
The first argument can be disposed of by reference to any one of the links cited above (about my initial reaction to the "Bush lied" crowd), which is why the most intelligent administration critic - Josh Marshall - opines that "I still have a very hard time believing Saddam doesn't have chemical munitions stored somewhere." The second argument is best formulated by Marshall:

The public didn't get sold on this war because Saddam had nerve gas, or botulinum or even anthrax. True or not, a lot of people believed that. (I believed it -- and I still have a very hard time believing Saddam doesn't have chemical munitions stored somewhere.) The public got sold on the war because the administration argued consistently and vociferously that Saddam was on the brink of amassing far more fearsome weapons -- particularly nuclear weapons ("We don't want the smoking gun to be a mushroom cloud") and that he had growing operational ties to terrorists to whom he might give these weapons or even some of his less threatening chemical agents.
It was fairly clear before the war that neither of those claims were true. Since the war it has become clearer by the day that they were almost certainly not true.
Those were the imminent threats that made the war necessary in March. No waiting for inspections, no building up of alliances, nothing. There was an imminent threat and countries respond militarily to imminent threats.
The only thing that's pretty clear is that there was no imminent threat. And there is a growing body of evidence -- much of which was known, frankly, before the war -- that the administration did everything it could to push the claim that there was an imminent threat using what was often very, very weak evidence.

(Emphases in original.)

I would argue very differently. The public got sold on the war because they bought into the worldview of the Bush administration shaped by 9/11. That worldview was based on a fear - I'd argue prudent, but reasonable people can disagree - of the unknown. We knew Saddam had all sorts of nasty weapons. We knew he had been trying to get nukes. And we didn't know what he had been doing since the inspectors were kicked out in 1998. The lesson of 9/11 is that what you don't know can hurt you, and that threats you thought were manageable may not be. The point of the Rice quote - "We don't want the smoking gun to be a mushroom cloud" was almost exactly the opposite of what Marshall asserts. It was based on the fact that we didn't know whether the threat was imminent or not. That unknowability was the point.
Think about it. What else was the point behind the controversy of the new doctrine of "pre-emption" in the country's strategy of national security? If the administration's argument was that Iraq was an imminent threat, what was the big deal about pre-emption? It was only important because it was not based on the certainty of an immediate threat. The Bush administration's arguments to the country were based on uncertainty about the threats. That is one reason why the country has not turned against Bush yet, even though the weapons may not have turned up yet.

(I welcome citations to polling evidence regarding my argument about what swayed the American people, either pro or con.)


Posted by Dr. Manhattan at 7:06 PM |



Comments

"It was fairly clear before the war that neither of those claims were true. Since the war it has become clearer by the day that they were almost certainly not true."

Does he try to persuade me of this or just assert it? Because I was following the news closely over the same time period and i came to the opposite conclusion.

"Those were the imminent threats that made the war necessary in March. No waiting for inspections, no building up of alliances, nothing. There was an imminent threat and countries respond militarily to imminent threats. "

Excuse me. We took over a year to go to war, during which time Saddam had plenty of time to hide the WMDs or fixin's for WMDs all over the place. We built a coalition, we airlifted our troops into position, we tried to get an international ruling on the matter, and - hey - we waited for inspections. Boy did we wait.

See, when I read this kind of rewriting of history, I tend to not want to give someone's other arguments much credence.

Fear is never a reason to preemptively attack anyone, regardless of the validity of what has instilled that fear. And that is what I get from your post. It may be prudent to feel fear, but I would never, never take action on just fear alone.
Oh, and Yehudit, both Bush and Blair made comments that Irag was only 45 minutes from being able to launch an attact. This is well documented. If, as they say, that was the case, then there should have been munitions on the battle field, or at least on the supply line points. And if our intelligence was able to determine this readiness, then they sure as hell should have also determined that they were being destroyed or removed and sent to other countries.

I believe the American public believed action was required neither because of weapons of mass destruction nor future development of nuclear weapons but because they had become aware that Saddam was despot who was not only capable of attacking but who was intent on attacking the US. 9-11 only demonstrated the folly of "diplomacy" and its mutated little brother "turning the other cheek" in the face of repeated and escalating terrorist attacks. Only when the horrors of the intentions and capabilities of international terrorism were brought home in a rather catastrophic fashion when the people waken out of their torpor. I can't remember the number of times in the nineties when I heard the Liberals preaching their was no need for the military. After all, who would dare to attack the USA. Its was after all suicidal. When I pointed out the Japanese did so Pearl Harbor, knowing they could not beat the US, I was regarded as some strange species. I got the, we'd heard about your kind but we really didn't believe they truly existed. Such is life in the DC area. While there still exist those in the US who believe in the universal brotherhood of man, after 27 years overseas I would no more trust most foreign governments than I would believe some Democrats pledge of refraining from tax hikes.


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